| But
amid the endless sludge-pile of political rhetoric, spin
and sound bites, what is a straightforward, non-partisan
assessment of some of the key issues we can expect to dominate
the Presidency in the four years ahead?
 Iraq
and the 'War on Terrorism': By winning the
popular vote 51-48% and with a 3.5 million vote margin,
Bush feels he has been given a mandate of approval upon
the path he led America during his first term in office.
Or, as he put it, he now has 'political capital'. For this,
just as the war on terrorism dominated the Bush agenda since
9-11, so too will it continue to be at the forefront of
policy so long as U.S troops remain on the ground in Iraq
and Afghanistan. Additional recent rumblings from Iran and
North Korea regarding development of their respective nuclear
programs have been a distraction, but, in many ways, a politically
advantageous distraction from the hunt for an elusive Osama
Bin Laden, something the Democrats failed to effectively
capitalise upon during the campaign. Given the increased
Republican strength in the House and Senate, Bush now has
the power to make significant policy changes during his
second term, and any opposition to financing and implementation
of both the war abroad and certain aspects of 'homeland
security' (such as the Patriot Act) will be hard fought.
Improving
Relations With Europe: Undoubtedly one of
the great successes of Karl Rove's Republican campaign was
the way in which he was able to depict John Kerry's calls
for greater cooperation with the world as a soft-footed
policy that short'changed the greater American good for
irrelevant interests abroad. Regardless, after 9'11 George
Bush had at his disposal what was perhaps the greatest showing
of pro'American goodwill since World War Two, and, right
or wrong, he lost much of that global goodwill within a
very short space of time. Irrespective of Bush's personal
contempt for the U.N, he must (and mindful of his legacy,
likely will) devote much of the next four years to repairing
relations with an increasingly irate Europe, especially
as more of his 'coalition of the willing' continue to opt
out of their Middle Eastern commitments. The support of
Europe is critical for Bush to win his war on terror. If
he can somehow convince France and Germany to share some
of the burden of his administration's leap into Iraq, then
that would be a political coup.
 Pivotal
to what little leverage Bush has in Europe will be the outcome
of the U.K elections in a few months time. Tony Blair may
have been encouraged by the successes of John Howard and
George Bush, but he will face an even harder challenge at
the ballot box. In Russia, however, Bush finds himself united
with an ally through their shared fear of terrorism. While
the two nations may disagree over such issues as democratic
reform and, potentially, Vladimir Putin's recent announcement
that he is pursuing the development of advanced nuclear
weapons technology, terrorism plays a larger role in keeping
them together. Still, Bush may find he is pleasantly surprised.
Europe, now aware more than ever of the significant divide
between them and a conservative America, could press to
make the first steps in bridging the gap. There is much
at stake. One half of America's total foreign investment
is in Western Europe, and the European Union is not yet
a significant enough counter to U.S power as the likes of
Jacques Chirac would wish it to be.
Uniting
the nation and securing a legacy: For all
the talk Bush made in the aftermath of his election about
'reaching across partisan lines' and earning the trust
of a 'country divided', he faces an improbable, perhaps
impossible task ahead. 55 million voters in the United
States wanted someone else to lead them for the next four
years and Bush would dearly love to win them over, however
he will also certainly use those aforementioned gains
in the House and Senate to his advantage. It is likely
that he may choose to sacrifice a broader, popular legacy
for political gains that will suffice for at least his
own supporters to herald as admirable and historic.
On
the strength of the 11 states that approved bans on same'sex
marriage on Election Day, Bush will no doubt push for
a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage,
an issue that of course bitterly distances him from so
many 'blue state' voters in America. Just as potentially
controversial will be his selection of new justices to
the Supreme Court, and after
having been rallied to victory by so many evangelical
Christian voters, there are liberal Democrats who have
promised to defend Roe v Wade
to the bitter end. A woman's right to choose will certainly
be a visible issue during this second term. Given the
renewed role of religion and moralism in U.S politics,
others are concerned with the larger view that the very
role of the secular state in
America is under threat. Indeed, few could disagree with
the fact that in recent times the Bush administration
and his 'red' heartland have seemed to speak a different
language not just to the rest of America, but Europe and
much of the world at large.
 But
what may perhaps cause the most vicious wrangling over
the next four years will be Bush's intended
revamping of the social security system and proposed simplification
of the tax code. Already Democrats have
been stirring with their opposition to privatisation of
social security and concerns of new, greater burdens upon
the American middle class under Bush's new tax scheme,
and neither plan has yet to be truly clarified satisfactorily.
Further, under the already heaving strains of the war
and first-term tax cuts, many commentators are wondering
how Bush's ambitious and sweeping reforms will even be
covered by the budget. Should he take too risky a route,
the ill effects of his manoeuvring will be borne by Americans
well after Bush has left office, and a more painful than
pleasant legacy will surely taint the presidency of George
W. Bush Jr.
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